Decision support and digital health

The Economics of Prevention: Why Good Investments Are Hard to Fund

Prevention is hard to fund because the spending and the saving happen at different times, often to different budgets, and sometimes to different organizations entirely. You pay now, with money you can count, for a benefit that arrives years later as an absence: the heart attack that never happened, the dialysis chair that stayed empty.

Why is prevention so hard to fund when it pays off?

Prevention is hard to fund because the spending and the saving happen at different times, often to different budgets, and sometimes to different organizations entirely. You pay now, with money you can count, for a benefit that arrives years later as an absence: the heart attack that never happened, the dialysis chair that stayed empty. An expense is easy to see and easy to charge against this year's accounts. An avoided event is, by definition, invisible. That timing mismatch, not a lack of evidence or a lack of goodwill, is the central problem in the economics of prevention.

I have spent most of my working life on a single disease, type 2 diabetes, first studying its genetics during my doctoral research at the Lund University Diabetes Centre, then later building tools to manage it earlier. Diabetes is a useful lens here because it is slow. The biology unfolds over a decade or more, which means the money does too. Once you see the problem as a timing problem, a lot of otherwise puzzling decisions start to make sense.

What does "prevention pays off" actually mean?

It helps to define the term plainly. Prevention pays off when the present cost of an intervention is smaller than the present value of the future harm it prevents. That definition hides two slippery words, "value" and "future," and both depend on when the money moves and who is holding the ledger when it does.

Consider the shape of a chronic condition that develops quietly. Early on, the cost of keeping someone healthy is modest. After complications set in, the cost of managing the same person rises sharply, because you are now paying for hospital stays, procedures, and the care of organs that are already damaged. The lifetime bill is usually lower if you spend early. That is the part everyone agrees on.

The disagreement is never really about whether early action is cheaper in the long run. It is about who pays the early bill, and whether they are still around to collect the late savings.

The mismatch between when you spend and when you save

Imagine three honest people, each acting reasonably.

An insurer covers a working-age population, and members switch plans every few years. If it pays for a prevention program today, the savings may land a decade later, on a competitor's books or on a public program that covers people once they retire. The insurer is being asked to fund a benefit it will probably never see.

A hospital is paid largely for treating illness. A program that keeps people out of its beds removes revenue and adds cost in the same breath. Even leaders who deeply want the program may struggle to justify it to the people who keep the institution solvent.

A health ministry sets a budget by the year. Prevention's return shows up across many future years and across budget lines the ministry does not control, like lost productivity or social care. The benefit is real, but it is smeared across time and across departments in a way no single annual budget can capture.

None of these three is the villain. Each is responding sensibly to the incentives in front of them. The harm is structural, which is why finger-pointing rarely fixes it.

Why the discount rate quietly does so much work

There is a piece of arithmetic underneath all of this that deserves a plain explanation, because it shapes decisions more than most people realize. Economists "discount" future money, meaning a benefit ten years out is counted as worth less than the same benefit today. This is not cynicism. A dollar today can be invested, and uncertainty grows the further out you look, so future value really is worth less in present terms.

The trouble is that discounting is exactly the wrong tool for a benefit whose entire payoff is delayed. The further out the savings, the more the math shrinks them, even when we are confident they will arrive. A treatment that cures someone tomorrow looks fantastic on a spreadsheet. A program that prevents an event fifteen years from now looks mediocre on the same spreadsheet, not because it is worse for the patient, but because the clock is working against it.

I am not arguing we should abandon discounting. I am pointing out that prevention competes, on every funding committee, against treatments the standard math flatters by design. That bias is built into the ruler we measure with, and being aware of it changes how you read the numbers.

What makes a prevention case actually fundable?

After years of trying to get useful tools paid for, I have come to think the question is rarely "does this work." It is "can the person who pays see the return within their own horizon." The strongest prevention cases share a few features, and they are worth naming because they are not the features people expect.

They tend to act fast. A program that shortens a hospital stay next month is far easier to fund than one that prevents a complication in 2040, even if the second saves more over a lifetime. Speed shrinks the timing gap.

They tend to keep the saver and the spender under one roof. Integrated systems that both insure and deliver care can capture their own future savings, so the math closes inside one organization. When the payer and the eventual beneficiary are the same entity over a long horizon, prevention stops looking like charity and starts looking like sound business.

And they tend to produce a visible, near-term signal that the slow benefit is on its way. This is the part I have worked on most directly.

A note from my own work

When my colleagues and I developed an AI clinical decision-support system for type 2 diabetes, the long-term promise was the usual prevention story: better control now, fewer complications later. But "fewer complications later" does not pay this year's bills. What made the case workable was the near-term question. In a multi-clinic randomized controlled trial, the system was evaluated against standard care, with the efficiency of the clinical workflow among the things it set out to measure. Efficiency matters, because a clinic feels a smoother workflow this quarter, not in fifteen years. The aim was to deliver some of the value early, where a budget could actually see it.

I share that not as a verdict on any one product, but because it taught me a general lesson. The trick is rarely to prove that prevention works. The trick is to move some of its payoff forward in time, into a window the funder can act on. (None of this is medical advice; if you are managing your own health, the right next step is a conversation with your own clinician.)

How should we read a prevention claim without being naive?

A few habits help, and they protect you from both over-promising and reflexive cynicism.

Ask when the savings land, and on whose books. A claim that prevention "saves money" is incomplete until you know the year and the payer. The honest version names both.

Be wary of the opposite error too. Some genuinely good prevention does not save money at all, it simply buys years of healthy life at a fair price, and that is a perfectly respectable thing to fund. Not every worthwhile intervention has to turn a profit; some are worth paying for the way we pay for clean water, because the result is a healthier population and that is the point. Demanding that prevention always pay for itself is its own kind of trap, because it quietly excludes care that is worth having for reasons a ledger was never built to measure.

And give the people inside the system some grace. A hospital administrator who hesitates over a prevention program is not heartless. The administrator is being asked to absorb a certain cost now for an uncertain credit later, possibly on someone else's account. Fix the incentive and the behavior usually follows.

The shape of a better answer

If the disease is the patient one, then prevention is the slow medicine, and slow medicine is hard to fund with fast money. The work I find most interesting now sits exactly on that seam: designing programs and tools so that some of the long-run benefit becomes legible in the short run, so the spender and the saver are pulled closer together, and so the ruler we use does not silently penalize patience.

The economics of prevention will not be fixed by exhortation, and it does not need a villain. It needs the timing fixed. Once the money to fund prevention can see the harm that prevention avoids, within a horizon a real decision-maker controls, the rest tends to take care of itself. Until then, the most useful thing any of us can do is ask the quiet question every prevention claim depends on: who pays now, and who collects later.

References and sources

  1. Wrong Pocket Problem in Public Health (Frontiers)
  2. Does Preventive Care Save Money (NEJM)
  3. Discount Rates for Health Economic Evaluations (Health Policy and Planning)
  4. WHO-CHOICE Cost-Effectiveness Analysis

How this was researched. This explainer is built from the primary sources listed above and reflects Dr. Tojjar's own critical appraisal of that evidence. It explains and evaluates research and does not provide medical care.

This article is for general education and is not medical or professional advice. For guidance about your own health, talk with a qualified clinician.

Cite this article

Tojjar, D. (2025). The Economics of Prevention: Why Good Investments Are Hard to Fund. Dr. Damon Tojjar. https://readingtheevidence.org/articles/the-economics-of-prevention/

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